Major Findings: Finding 5

Between 1995 and 1997, the measured increase of 200,000 in worst case needs was evenly divided between non-Hispanic whites and Hispanic households, with needs for each group growing by 100,000. Over the 6 years of economic expansion since 1991, however, Hispanics have experienced by far the highest growth in worst case needs. Between 1991 and 1997, needs grew at average rates among African-American households and remained essentially stable among white very-low-income renters.

• Between 1991 and 1997, the number of Hispanic households with worst case needs increased by 45 percent, while worst case needs among working families with children rose by 74 percent.

Over the 6 years between 1991 and 1997, worst case needs among Hispanic households rose by more than 300,000 households and in 1997 exceeded 1 million (see Exhibit 20). This growth was spurred in part by rapid expansion in total numbers of Hispanic households, which increased by 36 percent, and by even faster growth among Hispanic very-low-income renter households, which rose by 45 percent from 2 million to 2.7 million families. Nevertheless, worst case needs among Hispanic renters grew even more rapidly than Hispanic households, and the share of Hispanic very-low-income renters with worst case problems rose from 35 to 38 percent. The increase in worst case needs was higher still for working Hispanic families with children (74 percent).

Hispanic worst case households more often had children present than other worst case households. Over three-fifths of these households were families with children under 18, while only 13 percent were elderly. Hispanics also had higher rates of crowded housing than other worst case households, with over one-fifth of all Hispanic households and over one-third of the households with children living in crowded conditions. Despite such crowding, severe rent burden was the only housing problem for 64 percent of Hispanic worst case households.

• Between 1991 and 1997, the number of African-American households with worst case needs rose by 13 percent, slightly above the growth rate of 11 percent in all African-American households. Among working families with children, worst case needs rose by 31 percent.

Among African-Americans, worst case needs rose by almost 100,000 between 1991 and 1993, but since 1993 they have hovered around 1.1 million. Although this growth rate of 13 percent between 1991 and 1997 is only slightly above the average growth of 12 percent in worst case needs during this 6-year period, very-low-income African-Americans also became more likely to experience worst case problems. As the total number of African-American very-low-income renters grew by only 2 percent, from 3.5 to 3.6 million, the share suffering worst case problems rose almost 9 percent, from 35 to 38 percent.

Like Hispanics, the majority (52 percent) of African-American households with worst case needs include children. Crowding is low in these households, however, and 70 percent of the African-Americans with worst case housing needs have only a severe rent burden. African-Americans also experienced above-average growth in the number of working families with worst case needs, which rose by 31 percent between 1991 and 1997.

Among non-Hispanic whites, worst case needs remained essentially stable, at around 2.9 million, throughout the 1990s. This growth rate of 2 percent mirrored that occurring among all white households. Almost one-third of white households with worst case needs (890,000 households) are elderly, four-fifths of them living alone. The largest group of white households with worst case needs, almost 1 million households, contains "non-elderly unrelated individuals," who are individuals under 62 years old who are either living alone or with other nonrelatives. As discussed below in Finding 7, a sizable number of these households may have disabled members.